There’s been a lot of talk about market exit – but, as Jess Lister and Jonathan Simons explain, still no clarity on exactly what safeguards would be in place for the interests of students, the locality, and the nation
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What happens if a school goes bust?
As with many public sector institutions, there are clear and rigorous procedures in place that spell out what will happen.
The DfE (rightly) puts in place lots of warning measures for schools in difficulty, and if a school or group of schools start to find themselves in real trouble, a lot of things kick into place.
They can mandate that schools have cost cutters come in; they can prescribe significant changes to operating models; and they can both demand that the school or school group takes an advance from the state, whilst placing (pretty onerous) conditions that are attached to repaying that advance.
And given that financial trouble often goes hand in hand with performance trouble, the government has pretty carte blanche to change leadership and management when a poor performance judgement is made.
And if none of that works, then ultimately the state absorbs the costs of failure - often to its considerable expense.
The same procedures aren’t really true of universities. We don’t really know what would happen if a major university risks bankruptcy. It’s true that some smaller institutions already have fallen into administration, but they’re of a scale where the existing arrangements around student protection plans mean that institutions can merge, or students transfer to another provider while the original one disappears relatively quietly (with nobody paying much notice apart from astute Wonkhe readers)
Universities are, of course, not big schools. And it is their fiercely guarded autonomy - as safeguarded in HERA - which means we don’t have a clear set of state interventions.
When the Westminster government made its various moves to extend a more market based HE system in England in the early 2010s, it was explicitly envisaged that some providers could exit the market - and that government wouldn’t step in. This was not a bug, but instead a positive virtue of the system. The threat of market exit for an institution should have been sufficient to ensure that all participants were paying close attention to the bottom line; and the absence of such risk was a moral hazard. As set out in 2016:
The possibility of exit is a natural part of a healthy, competitive, well-functioning market and the Government will not, as a matter of policy, seek to prevent this from happening. The Government should not be in the business of rescuing failing institutions – decisions about restructuring, sustainability, and possible closure are for those institutions’ leaders and governing bodies
But this vision of market exit of the 2010s was clearly only really envisaged for smaller, challenger providers. Nobody ever really thought it would happen to a larger institution. We had, of course, the short lived HERR plan during Covid. But that was explicitly designed as an emergency measure to cope with unexpected cash flow shortages during the pandemic, and no longer exists. We are back to a world of limited student protection, and zero institutional protection.
We’re seeing increasing signs that larger providers are starting to struggle. A number of universities have put out calls for voluntary redundancy amid mounting deficits and signs of a fall in overseas enrolments. Some of these institutions are huge.
And whatever economic theory says, attempts by the OfS and the government to play market hardball on this may not survive contact with reality. As DK has pointed out, few MPs in university constituencies would be willing to sit idly by while the government lets a massive local employer and educator of its constituents get into real trouble. Government ambivalence about institutional closure also goes against wider policy objectives, such as an NHS Long Term Workforce Plan which requires (and funds) a lot more degree educated medical staff.
And if we have a Labour government later this year, with less of a fervent belief in the invisible hand of the market, they may be even less keen on such a “devil take the hindmost” approach.
So: what would a future DfE, OfS, or any other body do in a situation where it became clear that Major University X, having made staff redundancies, closed courses, and made all other types of financial efficiencies, came to a point where it was in practice or even legally unable to function financially?
We think there are some big questions that need to be answered. It may be that various civil servants and sector bods already know the answer to these and have a plan. But if the sector is facing - as it seems to be - significant financial challenges in the next few months and years, government (of whatever colour) will need to have answers close to hand, and would benefit, without driving panic, from starting to present this thinking more publicly.
At present, it’s not even clear what regulators should be looking for, let alone how they’d intervene early when alarm bells start ringing.
We’ve posed some of the most important questions here, but there’s almost certainly more.
There is no power in today’s legislation for the government to give “extraordinary support” to a particular institution. In a major failure scenario, they could theoretically want to support (or even force) a merger or acquisition. They could also want to support specific institutions financially to keep them open at least for an interim period. But both would likely require new legislation, potentially at speed, and all of this tells against a story of autonomy
And the truth is that discussions of failure are only half, at best, a technical issue. This issue all relies on some very big P political questions. Which institutions might be allowed to fail - and which won’t? What does increased government intervention mean for institutional autonomy, an idea already much eroded in political and policy circles? What does it mean for the status of universities, and could they be reclassified as FE colleges as public sector bodies if the state gains more control over funding or governance? And how much is the sector as a whole willing to trade to save a small, but potentially significant number of institutions?
We don’t know all the answers yet - but somebody needs to, and likely soon.
New comments will come back with sign-in later this year.
Alan Smithee · 15 Jan 2024
In regards to mergers of “distressed” failing organisations – two turkeys don’t make an Eagle is the evidence from other sectors.
matt robb · 15 Jan 2024
This is true. Mergers need to happen in advance of failure, and need to be accompanied by external capital that can fund transition costs.
David Palfreyman · 15 Jan 2024
The regime under the Insolvency Act 86 will not protect the funds needed to finance an effective SPP (which are anyway hard to calculate since there is no clarity on what compensation might be due to students under the vague U-S contract). The only way forward is to give priority to the SPP via similar legislation used for the FE sector – but that means Ss getting priority over redundant staff! Pity the insolvency practitioner trying to calculate the true cost of an SPP (what compensation, how long a teach-out, etc) and what the proceeds will be from a fire-sale of a second-hand U’s buildings/site – anybody want an asbestos riddled Chemistry lab or a swath of flat-roofed lecture halls?!
Alan Smithee · 15 Jan 2024
Excellent point – also SPPs are condition of registration with the OFS but if you don’t plan to be registered with the OFS then…
Julian Gravatt · 15 Jan 2024
The FE insolvency legislation protects students but this might provide continuity or staff because the special administrator in the cases where it has been used so
far has sought to transfer students, courses, assets and staff to other colleges. The downside has been the expense. DfE underwrote the Hadlow administration with loans. The total cost of professional fees for the 2 linked insolvencies were about £10 million.
The FE insovency law was considered by Parliament at the same time as HERA. A bit of a failure in policy making that HERA didn’t include an administration / insolvency regime.
Jon Fairburn · 15 Jan 2024
Given the massive amount of data that Universities have to report on the government should know well before any University is in that situation. Short of Labour giving a huge increase in funding (unlikely) it may well be time for a large series of mergers and federation of Universities in the sector. This approach has already occurred in Finland and Belgium.
SR · 23 Jan 2024
There is no doubt that a large failure would have many of the deep and lasting impacts described in the big questions. This has also been true of large organisation failures across the decades. Coal mines, steel works, car factories, etc, so any consideration of this problem shouldn’t start with the premise that Government has a duty to “save” failed Universities as time and time again, public money has not been used to avoid these sorts of devastating impacts. Where there is exception, is where the activity is sustainable, a roadmap to operating without external aid. The key test therefore of University financial resilience is sustainability, and Boards/Executives should be clear what triggers there are to put this at risk (for example financial “golden rules”), and what intervention has to happen and when, when the trajectory starts the wrong way. Wishing/hoping/lobbying for a change in government policy to increase fees isn’t an action plan that any reasonable financial stakeholder would see as a credible way out, and therefore the onus is on those with the fiduciary duties to take steps to ensure sustainability, or if it just isn’t viable, to accept such and manage an exit in an orderly fashion, protecting all those stakeholders in an optimal fashion, rather than continued erosion of resources and then a cliff edge exit that is devastating for all.

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